Dalit Education and the Government Policies

 

Mohd Zia-Ul-Haq Rafaqi

 

Department of Education, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India

 

 

ABSTRACT:

April 1, 2010 a historic day for the people of India as from this day the right to education will be accorded the same legal status as the right to life as provided by Article 21A of the Indian Constitution. Each and every child in the age group of 6-14 years will be endowed with 8 years of elementary education in an age appropriate classroom in the vicinity of his/her neighborhood. Caste discrimination is a highly politicised and sensitive issue in India. Despite constitutional safeguards and special legislation for the protection of the country's estimated 200 million Dalits, violations of their fundamental human rights continue. The responsibility of social equalization fell upon the Indian government when it gained its independence from British in 1947, while some benefits of social programs and government policies designed to increase access of education for Dalits can be noticed, but the Dalit literate population still remains much lower than that of the rest of India. Present issue will notify the importance of education and the role of government policies for the emancipation of Dalit education. As education has been identified as the prime mover of development, an instrument of social change and having the potential of transforming the cast ridden society into a democratic one.

 

KEY WORDS:  Dalit, Education, Literacy Rate, Government Policies

 

INTRODUCTION:

Social stratification is a universal observable fact, an inevitable attribute of the entire human societies, however found in diverse forms and degrees. Individuals, positions and groups are discriminated based on precise norms and criteria in a given society into a hierarchy of arrangements that are lopsided with regard to power, property, social evaluation, and/or social gratification. Normally, power, property (class) and social evaluation (status and prestige) are considered as the most vital foundation of determination of position in a given society (Bakshi 2010). Although, every enduringly structured societies are stratified and do acquire a type of strata that “ward” describes “the lowly”. The Romans contain there “plebeians”, the Egyptian their “helots” the British their “villains” the Egyptians their “slaves” the Americans their “Negros” and the Germans their Jews (Rao 2012). By the same token, the Hindus have the “untouchables”. Slavery, serfdom, villeinage are currently off track, but the untouchability still subsist (Rao 2010). The social stratification and social restrictions in the Indian subcontinent is generally portrayed by thousands of endogamous hereditary factions, frequently termed as jatis or castes. According to primeval Hindu scriptures there are four “varnas”. The Bagavad Gita says Varnas are decided based on Gunas and karma. Manusamriti and some other shastras mention four varnas:  The Brahmins (teachers, scholars, and priests), The Kashatriyas (kings and warrior), The Vashyas (agriculturists and traders), and The shudras (artisans, service providers) (Bakshi 2010).

 


This hypothetical system postulated Varna categories as superlative and elucidated away the reality of thousands of endogamous Jatis, established in the country as being the consequences of historical integration among the “Pure” varnas-varna sankara. All those, tribals and nomads, together with foreigners, who did not pledge to the customs of the Hindu society were contagious and untouchables. Another group barred from the main society was called Parjanyua or Antyaja. This group of “untouchables” currently “Dalits”, i.e.; down trodden, was measured either the lower slice of shudras or more meticulously exterior of the varna system altogether (Bakshi 2010). Dalit the browbeaten or the broken is not a new word; apparently it was used in the 1930’s as a Hindi and Marathi rendition of depressed classes. The term that British used for what are now called the scheduled castes. The word was used by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in his Marathi speeches. In the “untouchables” publishes in 1948, Ambedkar prefer the term “broken men” an English translation of “Dalit” (Freeman 1982). In India there are approximately 16 million Dalit’s (means “oppressed people”), defined as “untouchables” by the caste classification and subsist in the minuscule level of society. Dalit individuals’ use of water wells is limited; they face precincts on entering temples or dwelling with higher caste people. Although their ability to be the land proprietor is limited and their abodes are habitually secluded and sequestered from the frequent inhabitants. The Britishers are mainly considered to be the official initiators of strategies for Dalits in the contemporary India (Freeman 1982). Primarily, they did not take measures, construed as a confrontationist with the cast-based Hindu society. But as the days rolled by, the administrative compulsions and pressures from Hindu social reformers forced the Britishers to take steps that ‘opened’ the ‘closed’ Hindu society. By the 1850’s either motivated or mortified into action by the missionaries’ the Hindu reformers emerged. Jyotiba Phule was one such campaigner, who in 1860 called the attention for the predicament of fatalities of the caste bigotry in Maharashtra. In 1980s, British officials set up scholarships, special schools, and other programs to assist the depressed classes (Iyer 1990). Forward-thinking maharajas (princes) in “native” states like Baroda, Kolhapur, and Travancore, which were not beneath the direct British administration, established analogous schemes. Ambedkar from a Mahar cast of Maharashtra was one beneficiary. The maharaja of Baroda, recognised Ambedkar’s competences and assisted him with scholarship, and sponsored his study abroad, first at Columbia University in New York, where Ambedkar achieved a Ph.D. in economics, later at London University, where he earned a DSc. and entrance to the bar from Grey’s Inn (Iyer 1990).

 

Dalits has conventionally worked as artisans and wage labourers; concerning economic mobility is potentially possible only through education and employment. Throughout their history Dalits have been either deprived of or have poor admittance to education. Even today, their access to education and other assets for absconding poverty is very limited. They are usually deprived of acquiring education in schools principally because of their economical backwardness. They therefore have to find the middle ground for achieving education in schools. In rural areas, Dalits are habitually treated badly by their upper cast students for being untouchable, and occasionally even by their tutors. Although there is a minute figure of Dalit teachers in the country, they are also the fatalities of social segregation that frequently come from their non-Dalit colleagues.

 

The Importance of Education:

The past century has been portrayed by a global extension of education. In conjunction with this escalation in education has also publicized a swell in the gap between different social strata (Desai & Kulkarni 2006). Some of those who study development perceive education as a means of humanizing social wellbeing through economic revenues. When judge against to secondary and university level education, rates of return are highest for primary education, which means that the costs allied with providing fundamental or basic education are much lower than the remuneration received from learning to read and write. About 17.2% of economic growth in Africa and 11.1% in Asia between the 1950s & 1960s have been attributed to boost in education (Psacharopoulos 102). In addition to an increase in economic growth, primary education is also believed to lead to greater income allocations. Providing primary education to 10% more people would equate to a decrease in the inequality index of 5% (Psacharopoulos 103). The economic advantages of increasing enrolment rates for primary education emphasize the importance of increasing education accessibility for the Dalits of India.

 

A substitute rationale to study education is for its capability to authorize the individual to endeavor for an enhanced quality of life. A big factor impacted by education is that human beings habitually base their life aspiration and everyday procedures on what they recognize to be feasible (Simon Wigley & Akkoyunlu-Wigley 290). Education develops the knowledge of leeway to poor individuals, and is often an essential aspect in providing enticements to escape poverty and social subjugation.

 

Development projects focused on escalating admittance to basic education, rather than ones that increase capital to advance contemporary levels of education, ensure governments are able to know that the benefits of these programs are experienced by all, rather than opted few. As revealed formerly, the rates of return for primary education surpass those of secondary and university leveled education. It is therefore of greater worth for governments to focus first on increasing access to primary education before moving onto to augment levels of education. By focusing development on a human-capabilities approach, governments and aid organizations are able to increase the number of people with the fundamental skills of reading writing and arithmetic (Simon Wigley & Akkoyunlu-Wigley 288). These skills permit individuals to communicate, argue, count, and problem solve so that they are able to become more conscious and in manage of their own lives. This permits them to have healthier deal with problems in their everyday lives together with taking a loan out from the bank, shielding them in a court of law, evading detrimental personal relationships or evading occupations which would render them to precarious working circumstances (Simon Wigley & Akkoyunlu-Wigley 293).  Even the value of sharing a basic education is in itself a frequently disregarded asset. Education has had an sovereign effect on life expectancy, increasing the age for educated individuals (Simon Wigley & Akkoyunlu-Wigley 290). Education can be a way to boost the incomes of impoverished people. Education facilitates to ensure the benefits of growth are experienced by each and every one. Economic perceptions perceive education as a means to build individuals more productive in the workplace and at home. It can also be seen as a resource of empowering socially and economically destitute groups into seeking political reform. By using any of these rationales as impetus to pursue educational development, governments are attempting to spawn some form of social or economic parity for the population.

 

One of the most imperative Dalit political activists who perceived the value of social impartiality within India was Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, who became the principal architect of India’s constitution after years of social activism. Throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Ambedkar devoted noteworthy fraction of his life in improving the quality of life and social status of Dalit Indians. He established the People’s Education Society in 1945 which assumed that escalating access to education to the Dalits would increase their empowerment. He considered that a privileged level of education would cause the Dalits to comprehend their position so that they would aspire to the premier of Hindu positions, and that they would consequently use political power and authority as the means to an end to their oppression (Nambissan 1014). Ambedkar believed that the value of education was in the empowerment of Dalits to track political action for social reform through educated lobbying.

 

Dalit Education before independence:

For centuries, the Dalit population of India where prohibited from gaining access to education. Formerly kept for upper castes only, the refutation of conventional education to Dalits was premeditated to avert them from escalating their worth of life and to put emphasis on caste divisions. Wedged in a colonial struggle between European nations, Indian society had no impulsion to verify who should administer social programs until the British established have power over India. Then, in 1850s, the British embarked on the stretched process of increasing the accessibility of education to all citizens of India.

 

Signed in April of 1850, the Caste Disabilities Removal Act theoretically abolished all Indian laws which confronted the rights of those who are members of any caste or religion. This was the first step towards social equalization within India. It was also the inauguration for the sequence of attempts to increase accessibility to education for members of the Dalit caste. To concur with the signing of the act, the Indian education system became accessible to every member of society. However, after one hundred and sixty years the Dalits were approved authorization to attend schools, the primary education rates of the Dalit population compared to those of upper castes remain stumpy ever.

 

There have been a number of proposition projected as to why the Dalits have yet to take benefit of open access to education. Some have suggested that Dalits acquire an apathetic attitude towards education, and so the contemplation of attending school appears unappetizing and inefficient contrasted to inflowing the workforce or doing nothing at all. Another submission for the cause of lower access to education among Dalits is that most families are trapped in a nasty succession of illiteracy and poverty. Therefore, not only do parents have no incentive to have their children attend school, but they also often lack the financial means to propel them to the fee-based schooling system of India (Nambissan 1011). The ultimate and frequently most rational rationale for why the Dalits have botched to take lead of their access to education is a amalgamation of a history of coercion and a lack of access to local, quality education systems.

 

A historical back-drop of maltreatment and class hierarchies has endowed little incentive for the Dalits to pursue education. Throughout the 1800s and into the mid 1940s, circumstances for Dalit children within the Indian education system were awfully underprivileged. Due to inequity from elevated castes, the Dalits did not experience easy on attending schools. Dalit children were obligatory to sit exterior of the school, listening on the porch while those in higher castes would be taught inside. Teachers, who repudiated to contact the Dalit children even with sticks, would hurl bamboo canes as unmerited chastisement while children of other castes were allowed to throw mud. The Dalit children, who knew retaliation would result only in amplified abuse, would be fundamentally frightened into not attending school (Freeman 67).  Of the restricted number of Dalit children who were attending school, the bulk were male; a trait which persists even today (Nambissan 1012).

 

The lack of success in increasing primary enrolment rates for Dalits over the past one hundred and fifty years is evidence that very few projects have had any success in increasing social equality within the Indian Caste system (Sadanand 2012). In the next section, the paper will look at some of the programs which have attempted to provide incentive for India’s poorest to seek primary education.

 

Dalit Education after independence:

The 1948 independence of India provoked an increase in liability for the government to prop up the economic and educational wellbeing of the lower castes and to shield the Dalits from social prejudice and exploitations. Over the next few decades, the Dalits see very little action to support the claims and progress made during the fifties to help improve their access to primary education. The 1950s saw subtle improvements in the number of schools being built in India, as well as the amount of money being allocated towards primary education programs. The efforts being put forward by the government lost momentum over the next few decades however, as the rate of primary schools being constructed slipped from 5.8% in the 1960s, to 2.1% during the 1970s, and eventually down to only 1.3% through the 1980s (Nambissan 1015). This was complemented by a shift in funding from primary school education to middle school education. This transition exemplified the government’s shifted focus from increasing primary enrolment rates to increasing the quality of the education provided to those already provided with sufficient access to education. The 1991 census of India details that Dalit communities were one of the least literate social groups in the country, with only 30% of Dalit children recognized to have basic reading and writing skills (Nambissan 1011). These elevated altitudes of illiteracy are the consequence of inadequate access to primary education. Rationales projected for this stumpy primary education rate amid the Dalits range from blaming family values to common reception of social behavior. In veracity, it is a history of continuous domination and mislaid incentives that have been the motive why India’s buck caste has struggled to acquire advantage of unrestricted education programs.

 

Between 1983 and 2000, improvements in access to education for all of India have been made, although the difference between education rates for Dalits, especially females, and those in higher castes remained constant. In the seventeen year period, enrolment rates for Dalit boys grew from only 47.7% to a meager 63.25%. When compared to those males in upper castes, enrolments jumped from an already relatively impressive 73.22% to 82.92%. Even poorer results were observed when looking at the female Dalit enrolment rate, which inched from 15.72% to 32.61%, when compared to their upper-caste counterparts whose enrolment climbed from 43.56% to 59.15% (Desai & Kulkarni). The education gap can also be understood to translate through the entire schooling system, with the proportion of Dalit to non-Dalit success remaining at a constant low rate through primary, secondary, and post-secondary schooling. Although large improvements have been made to increase enrolment rates in India, statistics show that there has been little progress in decreasing the education gap between castes.

 

Government Approach for Dalits:

In pre- British Indian society, education was the privilege of the upper strata of the society such as Brahmins, kshatriyas and Vaishyas, but the British rule in India established Western system of education based on the theory of equality and universalistic criteria of admittance, opening the doors of education to all irrespective of caste, class sex or religion. The spread of education among the weaker sections has become a major part of the government programmes since the early 1950s (Migheal 2007). It mainly includes financial support in the form of scholarship stipends at the school and college levels, construction of hostels, reservations for students of this community in engineering and medical colleges and other facilities. As stated earlier, Article 46 of the Constitution of India refers to the special care to be taken by the state for the promotion of education among the SCs, and STs. The policies of the government have led to improvements in the access of these sections to educational services. Literacy rates of these sections, as shown in the report of the ministry of human development (Education for all- The state scene, 1993), indicates an increase in the literacy rate among SCs from 21.4 per cent in 1981 to 37.4 per cent in 1991 and amongst STs from 16.4 per cent in 1981 to 29 percent in 1991. The literacy rate among SC males increased from 31.1 percent in 1981 to 40.6 percent in 1991 among ST males from 21.5 percent in 1981 to 40.6 per cent in 1981. The literacy rate among SC females increased from 10.9 per cent to 23.8 percent in 1991 and among ST females from 8 per cent in 1981 to 18.2 percent in 1991 (Bakshi 2010, Desai 2006, Mighael 2007). As evident from this report, the main problems of these communities on the educational front is the high level of illiteracy, a massive dropout rate at the middle and high school level and limited access to higher education. This has happened despite progressive educational programmes for these sections in our country. Some of the special programmes, which had a significant impact on improving the educational status of the Dalits, include elementary education, pre and post-matric scholarship, book banks, hostel facilities for Boys and Girls, ashram schools in tribal areas, national overseas scholarships, coaching classes and allied schemes. Admittedly, these schemes have contributed significantly in raising the educational status of the Dalit students. However, the desired results have not been achieved to the extent expected because of numerous factors.

 

Developmental, Programs for access to education:

When discussing about method which try to improve enrolment rates, it is essential to scrutinize which circumstances thwart Dalit children from attending school. A family’s monetary condition plays a role in whether or not they are competent to afford to propel a child to school. This is a foremost contributor to low Dalit enrolment rates since Dalits have significantly subordinate earnings than those in upper castes, and therefore have a tough time paying for education. Remoteness also plays a key part in determining a child’s capability to attend school. Because Dalit abodes are habitually sited remote from villages, it is more precarious for Dalit children to trek to and from school by themselves without risking assault, sexual abuse or abduction (Desai & Kulkarni). In addition, teachers at the schools are habitually components of superior castes that lay down stumpy expectations for the Dalit children and seldom inquire about to endow them with an optimistic learning environment. There are many aspects that operate as hindrance for Dalits attempting to achieve a primary education, and which various development schemes encompass to overcome.

 

India has tried many special stratagems to assist in boosting the inducement to obtain education for Dalit children. Previous stratagem paid concentration on finding ways to give Dalit children an education devoid of divulging them to the ruggedness of upper castes (Nareender 2004). As time advances and the caste system commence to decline in India, there was a larger swing towards equalizing society so as to offer safer and more affirmative learning milieu. Since gaining its sovereignty, the Indian government has sustained to construct advancement on humanizing the quality of life for India’s lowest caste. Contemporary revelation to global contemplation has amplified access to ideas and methods on how to augment education rates for the Dalits, providing for some of the superlative consequences in recent years (Nambissan 1011). The rest of this segment will scrutinize some of the stratagem used over the past one hundred and fifty years, attempting to have a glance at how effectual they actually were.

 

Following the establishment of the Caste Disabilities Removal Act, the British government tried to enhance Dalit school attendance through schemes which acquired into contemplation the sensitivity of the caste society. Because the Dalit children were regularly beleaguered when they attended schools, the British opted to offer optional teaching methods, rather than directly tackle the caste crisis. One planned substitute was the use of night schooling for Dalit children. In this mode, children would need not to be bothered regarding attending school with upper castes component, but would still mug the peril of travelling devoid of daylight to and from school. Another proposed resolution was the use of all-Dalit schools (Nareender 2004). This resolution eradicate the peril allied with night-time schooling, but also did not help to decrease aggression between the classes. These two methods collectively resulted in a 4% primary enrolment rate for Dalit children by 1931, 81 years after education was first opened to all citizens on India. Of these Dalit children, 93% were attending all-Dalit schools. A trouble crop up when there were inadequate all-Dalit schools at which children could pursue secondary education. Only 1% of all students at the time ever made it past primary education (Nambissan 1012). It was because of this, that when the British handed over control of the country to India in 1948, the Indian government embarked on thinking of novel ways to amplify access to education.

Very often, governments strive to bring in global assistance in dealing with a nationwide calamity like sternly stumpy primary enrolment rates. Prescribed to the Indian government by the World Bank, the District Primary Education Program was intended to escalate primary enrolment rates within India. The objective of the program is to trim down the divergence in enrolment between gender and social standing to 5%, and to shrink the dropout rate to 10%. The DPEP receives the bulk of its financial support from the World Bank. It calls for the configuration of local committees that supervise the hiring and administration of Para-teachers. These Para-teachers are trained teachers employed through the DPEP program to pack growing vacancies in primary schools. They are hired on a short term basis but are offered extended terms as an inducement to execute sound (Kumar, Priyam, & Saxena 565). They are a low-cost substitute to permanent teaching staff and their performance is often higher due to increased incentives. Since the introduction of the DPEP, India has truly managed to see declining primary enrolment rates (Kumar, Priyam, & Saxena 567). It is possible that national campaigns to increase enrolment in primary education fail to have a direct intended impact. Instead, the management of such programs focused on a top down approach to education development that they are not competent to ascertain and acknowledge specific issues.

A micro level, and more capital based approach to development and escalating primary enrolment rates is the distribution of gratis textbooks to a community. In emergent countries, textbooks are habitually the only basis for a curriculum in a subject. If a school is not competent to procure its own textbooks, then knowledge resources will be narrowed. By mounting the quantity of textbooks, development projects are endeavoring to increase the aptitude of schools to take in ample number of students and they expect that supplementary resources so that performance in school will enhance (Hanson 1996). The principal concern which arises out of providing textbooks is that it will not increase enrolment rates. New textbooks provide little incentive for Dalit children to attend classes as they do not alleviate any of the impediments presently jamming them from access to education. Increasing access to text books has aided in escalating the excellence of education despite having little or no impact on enrolment rates.

 

Lastly, this paper will deal with an exterior approach meant for rising school enrolment and attendance by scrutinizing how school-based drug treatments to common diseases endeavored to endow with inducement for enrolment. Many avertable diseases, including hookworm, roundworm and whipworm influence millions of children globally every year, preventing them for attending every form of school or doing any physical labour (Miguel & Kremer 159). In this sense, the free drugs allied with this program not only provide incentive for children to approach  school and learn, but they also provide a second rationale in that they keep students healthy, guaranteeing that they are physically competent of persistent to school. Children who attended schools which offered this program not only remained healthy, but sense more comfortable attending school on a regular basis. It has been proven that programs which offer medical incentives diminishes the absente rates by 25%. This method has also proven to consistently boosting the quantity of both girls and boys who are being enticed to attend regular primary schooling (Miguel & Kremer 190-191). In a case examined by Miguel and Kremer, female attendance increased by 10% in subject areas, nearly two times that of males. The medication has also proved more cost effective for the organizations administering the medication. This method been proven as a more effective way of increasing education levels compared to food incentives. On average the annual $5 cost of managing deworming prescriptions to a child is six times cheaper than providing the same child with food incentives. School uniforms, which are often so expensive as to avert young girls from attending school, have had comparatively comparable accomplishment in escalating enrolment rates in young females. Deworming, however, remains more effective because costs associated with deworming medication are twenty times less expensive than providing school uniforms (Bossuroy & Delavallade). Using medication and deworming medicines as incentives, international organizations including the World Health Organization and The Forum of Young Leaders’ campaign, Deworm the World, have developed a successful outside-the-box approach to increasing enrolment and attendance rates.

 

SUGGESTIONS:

1.      Campaigning regarding the benefits of education: Education is the prime mover of development no one can deny it. The role of education in escalating the income and the social status cannot be ignored. The government and NGO’s should make people aware of the benefits of education and the provisions and schemes meant for them.

2.      Well equipped schools: The schools meant for Dalit children should be well equipped with basic teaching learning facilities. There should be well trained teachers from both Dalit and Non- Dalit communities, so, that they should provide a leading role in cutting the lines of cast system.

3.      Inculcation of new lessons based on universal brother hood: It is a known fact that schools are the miniature societies were Children learn the fundamentals of socialization. But unfortunately the mind of our miniatures is being indoctrinated right from the beginning against the caste system, causing mass level hatred against their Dalit class mates. The government should take certain steps to inculcate a good number of lessons that will emphasize on the universal brotherhood, national integration that will lead for the glorifying development of the India.

4.      Health hygiene and technology: Although Dalits are the residents of slum areas and they are mostly engaged in the mean jobs. Government should provide them with the modern training and technology for handling the waste materials. They should be provided with appropriate equipments like spades, shovel, scoop, tillers, trash bags, trawlers, training to deal with waste materials, So that they should not be treated as dejected lots of the society.

5.      Unanimous approach for Dalits: Indian societies are deeply entrenched in the cast ridden dilemmas. The need of the hour is to get rid out of this malicious plague. Dalits should be treated as the members of Hindu community they should be given free access to temples, drinking water well’s, schools, health centers etc. they should be integrated with the whole community so that they feel united themselves with the rest of the countrymen.

6.      Interlinking the Dalit areas with the common dwelling: As it is unfortunate that the Dalit areas are secluded from the rest of the habitant. Government should take steps to assimilate them with the rest of the villagers. Basic facilities like drinking water, electricity, sanitation, roads, and schools should be provided to them.

7.      Quick action and stern punishment for perpetrators: the Dalits were considered as the dejected lot of the society and were prone to social evils, like harassment, social abuse, rape, torture, looting and even killing. The government should make proper provisions for their safety and booking the culprits according the law.

8.      Proper supervision of schemes/policies: Albeit the fact that government has done a lot for the upliftment of the Dalit community, there is a lot to be done in this regard. Majority of the schemes remain aloof from the common Dalit men. Only the selected ones are getting the benefits of these schemes. There is a need of proper and keen supervision in this regard so that almost majority of Dalits can be benefited.

 

CONCLUSION:

There have been many attempts over the past one hundred and fifty years to help increase the quality of life for the Dalits of India through development focused on enrolment in primary education.  Education provides individuals with the means to increase their income and to engage in economic activities. In addition, it can help sanction individuals to foyer for social change through political activism. The lack of incentives to pursue education for the Dalits of India can be traced back to a long history of maltreatment and oppression. Still stirring today, caste nuisance makes teaching environments wobbly for caste children, it places caste homes on the periphery of towns so that children have greater distances to walk to school, and it economically suppresses the Dalits so that they are unable to pay for their children’s education. Many suggestions, both conventional and contemporary, have arisen on how to resolving issues relating Dalit primary enrolment. Night classes and all-Dalit schools provided a safer learning environment for the Dalits, but did not concentrate on any issues of caste inconsistency. Twentieth century policies helped officially diminish some of the acrimony and disparity between groups so that the Indian government could have a greater focus on national primary enrolment rates. Larger operations, including the DPEP cooperative project with The World Bank failed to resolve some of the grass-root issues which deterred Dalits from attending school. Funding increasing supplies of textbooks to Indian schools do not address any of the core reasons as to why Dalits are not attending school. Instead of increasing enrolment, additional textbooks only had an effect on increased performance levels. Providing free deworming medication at school has proven successful both in increasing the health of children which prevents absenteeism, and in increasing enrolment levels. Minor increases in incentives for Dalits to pursue primary education have been beneficial, but not sufficient in equalizing the enrolment gap between the Dalits and members of upper castes. In order for significant progress to be made in increasing the primary enrolment rates of Dalit children, development organizations must continue to explore varying levels of incentives and pursue national social equality in India.

 

REFERENCES:

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13.     Psacharopoulos, George. “Education and Development: A Review.” The World Bank Research Observer 3.1 (1988): 99-116.

14.     Sadanand, P. 2011. Emancipation of Dalits and educational reservation. Adhyayan Publishers and Distributors New Delhi 110002.

15.     Simon Wigley, and Arzu Akkoyunlu-Wigley. “Human Capabilities versus Human Capital: Guaging the Value of Education in Developing Countries.” Social Indicators Research 78.2 (2006): 287-304.

16.     Bossuroy, T. Clara D. “Giving school children a chance.” Web. http://www.livemint.com/2008 /11/17211850/Giving-schoolchildren-a-chance.html. Nov. 17 2012.

17.     “The Caste System in Hinduism.” Web. 2005. http://www.friesian.com/caste.htm. Accessed 30 Jan 2013.

 

Received on 13.04.2013

Modified on 03.05.2013

Accepted on 10.05.2013           

© A&V Publication all right reserved

Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences. 4(3): July-September,  2013, 337-343