The Persian Adaptation of Chandayan: Understanding Intercultural Communication in Medieval India



Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

*Corresponding Author E-mail:



Chandayan was composed in late fourteenth century by Daud. The text was unique among its contemporaries from the perspective of language, script, and content. It was the first text of Awadhi (Hindwi). The present paper is an attempt to study the reasons behind the composition of such a syncretic text. Who were the people for whom it was composed? Why did it was patronized by the wazir of Delhi Sultan, Khan- i Jahan second? After a brief discussion on the above mentioned questions, the paper will be focused on the Persian adaptation of the story of Chandayan during the seventeenth century. Hamid Kalanauri adapted this story into Persian during the reign of Emperor Jahangir and named it Ismatnama. The study would attempt to bring to light the picture that contemporary sources paint. How did the story got circulated and transmitted to various circles? It would try to seek answers to the following questions. Why did Hamid Kalanauri choose this story? What was the medium of transmission? What was the reason behind its Persian adaptation and how did the story was reimagined for a new audience? The adaptation dismantled the barrier of language and open the text to a wider world. The study would be based on primary evidence, substantiated by secondary literature where required. The texts used for the study are Persian court chronicles, tazkira literature and vernacular sources.


KEYWORDS: Chandayan, Mysticism, Cultural interaction, Circulation, Persianization, Ismatnama.




Chandayan is one of the finest representatives of the intertwining of mysticism and culture. The text was a breakthrough as it was the first text of Hindwi1. It has commenced a new type of mystic ideas and a new syncretic literary genre having a unique combination of Persian script and Hindwi language. The writers were Muslims and the characters of the stories were Indic. The text was composed in the late fourteenth century by Daud and the writer ‘gives the year of composition as 781 A.H. (1379 A.D.)’2 The other contemporary texts mentioned two different dates of the events related to Chandayan, which lead to the two dates of composition of the Chandayan.3


However, the date given by the writer of the text gets precedence over the other dates.


Text, Poet, and Patron:

The poet did not provide much information about himself in the text except that Jainuddin was his preceptor and Jauna Shah, Khan i Jahan second was his patron. The identity of Daud and Jainuddin has been traced by Simon Digby.4 Khan-i Jahan, first, in whose memory the text got compiled was remembered in the following words by Afif, ‘Khan-i Jahan submitted to Muhammad Tughluq, recited the kalima and accepted Islam …Sultan Muhammad correctly assessed the wisdom, dexterity and ability of Maqbul and appointed him Deputy Prime Minister in Delhi.’5 His son Khan-i Jahan second, the patron of Daud became the prime minister (wazir) during the reign of Firoz Shah Tughluq and became very influential.


This is interesting that all of them were associated with the khanqah of Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Dehli directly or indirectly. The master (pir) of Daud, Zainuddin6 was the nephew of Nasiruddin Chiragh i Dehli. Afif wrote about the father of Khan-i Jahan second, ‘Khan-i Jahan Maqbul was a follower of the pious Shaikh Nasir-ud-din, God’s mercy be upon him. When he accepted the discipleship of the Shaikh, he sought the guidance of worship and obedience. The holy Shaikh commanded, “Since you are the Prime Minister, your worship consists in looking after the needs of needy people and meeting them as much as possible.”7 It is possible that Jauna Shih, Khan-i Jahan second, may have met Daud in Nasiruddin Mahmud’s khanqah as his father was associated with the Shaikh. What was the purpose of the writer behind composing such a pluralistic text? Several modern scholars have worked on that.8


Reasons Behind Composition, Accent and Identity:

Along with the reasons given by the various scholars, there is a possibility that Chandayan was written for the new group of people who were entering the royal circles and khanqah. The people who knew Hindwi and have command on Persian script. During the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq, new groups of people entered the royal circles resulting in a composite governing class. M.M. Saeed has argued that ‘The Khaljis were the first to appoint Indians, mostly Muslims and imitating the Khaljis, the Tughluqs employed heterogeneous elements, foreign as well as Indian, slaves as well as free men, new converts as well as favourites and relatives in the military service and in the civil service.’9


Chandayan was compiled in Awadhi, an eastern dialect of Hindwi. This dialect was in practice in the eastern part of Hindustan and with the information provided by Yahya Bin Ahmad Sirhindi, Badayuni and Firishta a great presence of slaves from the eastern part of Hindustan can be confirmed in Delhi. Their accent was different from the people living in Delhi and could be recognized easily which shows that even after living in Delhi they could not forsake their accent and were still speaking the eastern dialect. This might be a reason that a wazir of Delhi Sultans had patronized an Awadhi language text. During the late Tughluq period (1390 A.D.) Delhi was engulfed in a war for the throne between Abu Bakr and Muhammad Shah. It was a period of chaos, and a conflict of interest arose between Sultan Muhammad Shah and the slaves of Firuz Shah Tughluq regarding the charge of elephants. The Sultan took the control back from the newly appointed slaves and put the elephants under the charge of old elephant keepers. After this incident, the Firuz Shahi slaves revolted against Sultan, which was handled successfully by the Sultan but those slaves ran away with their families and got united with the rival of the Sultan, Abu Bakr. Yahya Bin Ahmad Sirhindi writes that due to this incident, most of those contemptible slaves had been imprisoned by the Sultan for three days, the later he addressed each of them, “we are the natives of the country; whoever among you instead of kharā say kharī karjanā, is a native of country.” For that reason, most of the Hindustanis were put to death, and the slaves of Firoz Shah were put to the sword. This tradition is well known in Hind and Sind.10


Later, Badayuni, in Muntkhab ut Tawarikh elaborated on the same event showing that the story indeed was well known. Mubshir Chap after his appointment at the post of vizier “gave the order to kill the slaves of Firuz Shah (bandgān i Firuzi), who has become the cause of revolt during the days of tumult and disorder.”11 Though the revolt was done by slaves many free people (from the east), taken as slaves were also killed to make Delhi free from all the slaves. ‘Many free men who have grown likewise and from the eastern part of Hind, without cause, were believed as slaves, due to their rawness of speech (khami i zuban) or fault of the speech and put under the sword.’12 This also shows that many people from the east were living in Delhi.


Firsihta has also elaborated on the same event,

This is known that Muhammad Shah gave an order that all the slaves that might be in the city, leave for home, within the time of three days. Most of them left the city for home but those who did not return within these three days were killed. And some of them to save their lives said that ‘I am asīlīm (original, native of the place)


Then whomsoever was not spoken in the manner of desired accent by Sultan Muhammad Shah and speak in the manner of people from the east (purab) and Bengal, was killed. In that manner, many people who were natives of the East and whose language (zabān) was not elegant, were all murdered.13


Since they were speaking a dialect of Hindwi, it was not considered elegant compared to the dialect spoken by the noble class, which was Persian. It must have been for these people that Chandayan was recited in a Delhi Mosque. Since they were new to Islam and could not understand Persian also, so to explain many parts of the Quran in an easy way and in a language close to these people this text was chosen. It was also to explain the mystical meanings and to make them feel the emotions. Since Badayuni has written about Chandayan being recited in a Delhi Mosque,


In the year 772 A.H. (1370 A.D.) Khan-i Jahan the wazir [of Sultan Firoz Tughluq] died and his title was passed on to his son named Jauna Shih. The book Chandayan, a masnawi and greatly exhilarating love story of the lover and beloved, Lorik and Chanda, was composed by Maulana Daud in their names. It is so famous in this region that there is no need to explain its virtues.  Makhdum Shaikh Taqiuddin14, the preacher (waiz) recited a few celebrated verses of it from the pulpit in Delhi and it had a strange effect on the listeners.  When the learned of the time asked the Shaikh about the reason behind using the Hindwi  masnawi [for preaching], he replied that it is all about the truths and meaning of mystic pleasure (zauq), in tune with the ecstasies of those yearning for love (sahuq), and in accordance with the exegesis of certain verses of the Quran. The sweet-voiced people of Hind entrapped the hearts of the listeners by its recitation.15


These slaves were the intended audience or must be an important group of the audience. In the mobility of these slaves (as they were ordered to go back to their native places) circulation and transmission of the text to the various places could be traced back. Currently, various parts of Chandayan are performed in the eastern part. Chandayan was to be adapted into Persian, Dakkani, Bangla and Hindi in the upcoming centuries.


Persian Adaptation, Circulation and Motivation Behind it:

The present section of the paper will discuss the Persian adaptation of Chandayan that was done during the first half of the seventeenth century. Hamid Kalanauri brought the story into Persian. Nabi Hadi gave the following information about him, ‘Hamid Kalanauri was a poet during the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir. His poems acquired great popularity and explained mystical problems through dialogues of allegorical characters.’16 In the adapted text he did not give any information about himself except that, ‘This adaptation was made during the reign of Jahangir in 1607 A.D. (1016 A.H.).’17 He wrote in the praise (madh) of Emperor Jahangir and Hindustan that ‘the country of Hind is full of goodness (malahat), politeness (zarafat), elegance (nazakat) and pleasure (latafat). In his kingdom (mamalkat) there is no fear of rebellion (fitna) and there is never a lack of wealth. Nobody is molesting anyone and there is nothing among the subjects except making peace. All the people, powerful rulers and darwesh obey the emperor.18


During Jahangir’s reign, various Premakhyan texts have been translated and adapted into Persian. An illustrated manuscript of Mrigawati a text belonging to the Premakhyan genre like Chandayan was prepared. When Jahangir was a prince in Allahabad, ‘a heavily illustrated Persian version of the Mrigawati manuscript was prepared for him in 1603-04 A.D, entitled Rajkunwar.19 The manuscript has an inscription as ‘completed in the year 1012 (11 June 1603/ 29 May 1604) by the pen of the poor and humble Burhan in the abode of the Sultanate Allahabad.’20 Though the illustrated part of Mrigawati represented the aspect of justice as the section of Mrigawati where Rajkunwar became yogi and established peace after defeating the demon just like Rama was illustrated.  The manuscripts that were chosen other than Mrigwati also seem to represent a similar idea, ‘while Salim was in Allahabad ‘three manuscripts known to have been produced for him, Awvar-i Suhayi, Rajkunwar and YogVashisht.’21 All of them have morals or ethics for kings taught through fables. ‘The Anwar-i Suhayli was the most important Persian reworking of the Indian-Middle Eastern cycle of the mirror for princes’ fables known at different periods and places in various recensions as the Panchtantra, Kaliawa Dimna and the fables of Bidpai.22 In that, there are various sections like ‘on the punishment of evildoers and their disgraceful end and on guarding against the malevolent and not trusting in their hypocritical pretensions.’23 Though the present adaptation did not stand equal to these texts, it did have a normative format to teach contemporary morality and ethics and preach to stay loyal to one God in the spiritual realm which could be replaced by the  King in the material world. Prince Salim was interested in Sufis and Yogis. There is a possibility that Salim wanted to win the favour of Sufis and Yogis for political purposes, ‘as he was hoping to get their support in the struggle for succession against his elder son Khusrau, Salim bestowed several favours on them during the time of his rebellion in Allahabad (1599-1605).’24 That might be the reason Premakhyans text was chosen for translation and adaptation under royal favour as well as by independent writers.


However, there are other aspects of the text other than politics that need to be discussed. The Persian adaptation of the text added a new layer to cultural communication, dismantling the boundaries of language and script. Following are the questions that will be dealt with below, what was the medium of adaptation? Was it oral or text based? What method he has followed for adaptation?  why did he adapt this story into Persian and how did this adaptation into Persian may have influenced the contemporary circles and who was his intended audience? The social and cultural characteristics of the text.


An attempt to translate Chandayan into Persian was already made by Abdul Quddus Gangohi as we are informed by Ruknuddin Quddusi in Lataif -i Quddusi, ‘In the early years of his life Hazrat Qutbi wanted to translate the Hindwi Chandayan into Persian.’25 He may have translated it but these translations did not survive to the modern times due to the war as he wrote ‘There were many copies of the Persian [translation of] Chandayan. In the incident that happened during the combat of Sultan Bahlul with Sultan Husain [Husain Shah Sharqi] got destroyed. Some parts of the verses were obtained from the places, preserved here by the pen.’26 These copies of the Persian Chandayan must have been circulating among various circles before they got destroyed. There is a possibility that the story circulated widely through these Persian translations also. There was a tendency to quote sections and lines of Chandayan in letters. Another medium of its circulation among various circles. This can be assumed through the example of Abdul Quddus Gangohi quoting a doha from Chandayan in a letter to Jalal Thanesari. This was the doha that Abdul Quddus Gangohi send to him, ‘bin kariyā morī dolai nāvā, nayan kathār kant nahi āvā’.27 He quoted it while explaining the idea of wahadat- ul wujud in Persian. We may assume that it got widely circulated by the time Hamid Kalanauri chose to adapt it.


The different parts of the text were circulating indecently. That made it possible that the writer heard this story orally and does not have a copy of the text with him.  Even the text itself indicates oral circulation as it is written that ‘every hemistich (misra) of this book was memorised (zabānī), and it was heard with an explanation. When this story was sung all became silent and unconscious like inanimate things.’28 At both places, first when the poet told the story of Maina to his friends, and later when he wrote it down in Persian and sang it to his friends the medium of communication was oral. The variation between the original and the inspired one also shows that the poet heard it orally That could be the reason that he has the fluidity of change of characters and content. Kalanauri did not mention the name of Chandayan also when he discussed the story with his friends and called it a Hindwi story.


About the reason behind the composition, he wrote,

One day I and my true friends, in the gesture of friendship of favourable, were sitting in the assembly. Everybody opened their lips in jest and the foundation of the rhetoric was laid upon. Some said that Laila was from Arabia, so she was chosen for the text of beauty. Then someone said about Shirin …, and then they talked about the beauty of Azra. Everybody was estimating the beauty of these women. I also started the conversation about the beauty of Hindustan. I said: what is Laila or what is Azra? From me hear the virtues of Maina. She was the child of a Rai of Hindustan; she was chaste and known for her fidelity. She was Rabia of that period. Writers have created some words but her virtues cannot be expressed in thousand words…His friends heard about Maina and requested him to bring this story in the Persian masnawi form.29


However, the true reason to adapt this story was not to tell the story of Maina but to explain deep philosophical questions related to mysticism.


My intention from this old story and explaining and speaking this tradition (riwayat) again is not Daya and Lorik, and not Maina and not mad lover Sātan. Nor avarice and the idle sport of love and the declaration (izhar) of profane (majazi) love. By Lorik it meant beauty (jamal) that is exempted from perishing. Maina signifies soul (ruh), the one in whose love beauty returned. Sātan was Iblis who was in the pursuit of the soul surreptitiously. By Dallāla I intended accursed soul or carnal desire (nafs-i malum), which is a robber (rahzan) of the soul through deceit (afsun).30


It has a philosophical dimension displayed by human characters. Maina’s firm belief in her husband and determination was the background to address the issue of spirituality and divinity. While in Chandayan, the beauty of Chanda creates the desire in Lorik and with the deferment of desire an important aspect of Sufism has been explained, where the seeker learns to believe only in God facing various troubles. Here Maina’s chastity and purity was significant trait represented, by guarding the soul against iblis (wrongdoings) and having faith only in her husband or God.


The writer has himself named the text Ismatnama as he writes, ‘one day I have written this treatise and named it ‘Ismat nama’.31 In Steingass Persian dictionary, various meanings have been provided for the term Iṣmat like ‘guarding, defending, keeping back from sin or bad, chastity, a seclusion in which women are required to live.’32 Though in the present paper the meaning ‘chastity’ has been used in translating the title.


The Ismatnama was inspired by the Satitav khand and Barahmasa of Chandayan. In the original text when Lorik came back to Govar he verified the fidelity and chastity of Maina. He sent a gardener to check whether Maina would buy flowers from the gardener or not. He became very happy after hearing his reply of Maina to the gardener: ‘Flowers are used by the women whose husband is at home; my husband lives in a foreign land (pardes), what I will do with flowers.’33 He further tested her through Chanda and told Chanda to give Maina vermillion and sandal. Again, Maina refused by saying that ‘vermillion is used by those whose husband is with them and my husband is not here and without him, I do not desire these things.’34 He himself tests her fidelity as ‘he was joking (dhamār) with her and not allowing her to go. On that Maina told him that ‘my heart will unite with my husband and my eyes are only decorated by that friend only. Do you think I am dari (an abusive term used for a woman) that you are joking with me?’35


Maina waiting faithfully for her husband became the inspiration to compose Ismatnama. He created two different characters Dallala (whose real name was Daya) and Sātan that was not there in the original to convey his message. These two characters played an important role in Hamid’s adaptation. This check of fidelity is regarding having faith only in God and getting ready for him only. However, it does show the contemporary customs and rituals accepted to be followed by women.


Reimagination, Persianization and the Original Essence:

The writer reframed the story to convey his message according to space and time. In the original text, Chanda was the main protagonist and she represented God and Maina, as the wife of Lorik represented the material world. Lorik was the seeker of God (Chanda) and the extramarital love of Chanda and Lorik was shown as pure love, following which you abandon all the attractions of the material world. The love that unites the seeker and God propagates the Sufi idea of love. Maina was the wife and the love between Lorik and Maina was not spiritual but a love that was in opposition of pure love. But in the Ismatnama Maina represents the soul and Lorik was the beauty and their union is the union of soul and beauty, seeker, and God. A character, Dallala, played the role of the material world that tried to flounder the soul from the right path. Here extramarital became the obstruction in the path of real love and marital love symbolized the love between soul and beauty (God).


Ismatnama propagated the Sufi philosophy of wahadat ul wujud staying true to the idea of the original text, ‘In the world (mulk) of existence (wujud) one is not divided into the parts. O! Followers of faith there is no doubt.’36 This is said in the context of Dallala trying to influence Maina in the absence of Lorik. Maina as a pure soul shows faith and determination and never leaves the straight path. ‘The one who is favoured with pure soul (nafs), Iblis (demon) is destroyed with her hands.’37 The philosophical meaning is derived from contemporary morality and ethics. Chastity is the symbol of purity of the soul. Maina guards her chastity against men other than her husband even after the many temptations. This staying away from other men and winning from all the temptation is the reason for her being a pure soul. This explains the Sufi philosophy that one should guard their soul against carnal desires and only think about the beloved. But this also alludes to the values of the society where women’s chastity is the prime virtue.


Hamid Kalanauri attempted to bring the text close to the Persian audience. The story was Persianized for the new audience. While in Chandayan vermillion, sandalwood and flowers were mentioned as being used by women and Maina stopped using them in the absence of her husband. In Ismatnama these items have been replaced by surma38 (collyrium) and hina39 (henna), bringing the text closer to the sensibilities of the new audience. References have been given from Arabic and Iranian literary traditions. He has used examples of Nizami Ganjavi’s characters like Farhad and Shirin, Laila and Majnun to show the situation of Maina in love.40 While intertextuality was an important part of Chandayan and names of the figures from epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata came several times. In adaptation, these figures were completely escaped which indicates that it was purely for the people of elite circles who were aware of Iranian literature.  At one place while describing the hot weather to Maina and the problem she faces in that month, Dallala says, ‘If Gabriel (Jibril) came down from the sky, his wings would burn.’41 Maina while describing her situation to Dallala says, ‘Though my father is Shaharyar, but what is my work with his mamalkat (kingdoms)? He got me married to an intelligent (hosnak) husband (sauhar) known as Lorak.’42 While she was describing her father Meher she used the epithet of Persian origin. The only item that has been used in an identical way was ‘pān43 which shows that pān became part of both Indic and Iranian households by them and people were aware of it. The Barahmasa was completely reframed for an audience that lived not only in India but also in Iran by using stock figures to explain the message. He framed the discussion among Dallala and Maina according to the movement of the sun in twelve constellations like haml (Aries), sawr (Taurus), jauza (Gemini) and so on. The poet used examples from Nizami, Jami and Attar in this text and their name came several times.


Kalanauri wrote about the importance of Ismatnama that ‘every dot in this book is chosen from the manuscript of Universe (nuskha- i qudrat). Every letter is being drawn together for friends and I have spent the blood of my heart in that. The meaning is big but its words are small, it is like flowing the Ganga in the goblet (kuza). One meter (bahr) of it is equal to thousand pearls and one pearl is equal to one life.’44 It is fascinating to know that later writers were more attracted towards the character of Maina. Like Ismatnama, Masnawi-i Maina Satwanti is also prepared in Dakkani in the later period. Rather than Chanda and Lorik the character of Maina gained great reception in later times, a character that was at the margins in the original one. However, the essence of the story remained rather same to teach mysticism and be firm on the path to reach God.


We may conclude that Chandayan, a story which was originally intended for the bilingual audience experienced a transformation in later times and was made fit for an elite monolingual audience. A text that could be read by two groups of people, learning the script by those who knew Hindwi and learning the Hindwi by those who knew Persian script. Though this adaptation targeted a particular elite audience, having limited circles yet it went beyond the boundaries of geography, culture, and society. This adaptation has opened the door for the circulation of this text in a wider Persianate world outside India. Many independent writers were more inclined towards preparing adaptations, as adaptations do not require the text but are based on oral rendition while a text is necessary for the preparation of a translation. To acquire manuscripts was expensive and this might be the reason that writers who were not resourceful and did not have patronage were inclined more towards adaptations.



1.      These texts were written in Awadhi but the term Hindwi has been used here, keeping in view the classification of Amir Khusrau. In Nuh Sipihr, Amir Khusrau (1318) lists twelve Indian languages explicitly described as languages or dialects of different regions, viz. ‘Sindhi, Lahauri, Kashmiri, Gibar (?), Dhaur Samundari (Kannada), Tilangi (Telugu), Gujar (Gujarati), Mabari (Tamil), Gauri and Bengal (Bengali), Awad (Awadhi), and (the language of) ‘Delhi and surrounding areas’ (Dehli wa piramanash andar hama had). Amir Khusrau further mentions that ‘all these are Hindwi (in hama Hindwi-st) which from old times are in popular use for all purposes. Amir Khusrau, The Nuh-i Siphar of Amir Khusrau ed. Mohammad Wahid Mirza, Oxford University Press, Calcutta, 1947, pp.179-180; Irfan Habib, ‘Hindi/Hindwi in Medieval Times: Aspects of Evolution and Recognition of a Language’, ed. Ishrat Alam and Syed Ejaz Hussain, The Varied Facets of History: Essays in Honour of Aniruddha Ray, Primus Books, Delhi, 2011.

2.      Baras sate se hoye ekyasi, Tihi yah kabi sarseu bhasi. Daud, Chandayan, Devnagari edition, Mataprasad Gupta, Pramanik Prakashan, Agra, 1967, p.15.

3.      Badayuni wrote that ‘In the year 772 A.H. (1370 A.D.) Khan-i Jahan the wazir [of Sultan Firoz Tughluq] died and his title was passed on to his son named Jauna Shih. The book Chandayan, a masnawi and greatly exhilarating love story of the lover and beloved, Lorik and Chanda, was composed by Maulana Daud in their names.’ Khan-i Jahan occupied a high position during the reign of Firuz Shah Tughlaq. Afif gives the date of his death as ‘770 A.H. (1368-69 A.D.), after eighteen years of the accession of Firuz Shah.’ The two dates are close to each other and if the date of death of Khan-i Jahan was also the date of composition of the Chandayan then it is most likely to be, based on Afif, 1368-69 AD. The discrepancy of ten years is difficult to reconcile and the date given by the author takes precedence over the other dates., Badayuni, Muntkhab ut Tawarikh, p. 250, R.C. Jauhri, Medieval India in Transition: Tarikh i FirozShahi: A First Hand Account, Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2001.p. 233.

4.      Simon Digby, ‘Before Timur Came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate Through the Fourteenth Century, Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.47, 2004, p. 343

5.      R.C. Jauhri, Medieval India in Transition: Tarikh i Firoz Shahi: A First Hand Account, Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2001, p.221.

6.      The Biographical dictionaries like Akhbar ul Akhyar and Mirat ul Asrar identified him as the nephew of Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh i Dehli.

7.      R.C. Jauhri, Medieval India in Transition: Tarikh i FirozShahi: A First Hand Account, Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, 2001, p.233.

8.      Simon Digby, ‘Before Timur Came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate through the Fourteenth Century’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol.47, No.3, 2004, pp. 298-356, Aditya Behl, ‘The Magic Doe:  Desire and Narrative in a Hindavi Sufi Romance, Circa 1503’, ed. Richard M. Eaton India’s Islamic Traditions  711-1750, Oxford University  Press, New Delhi, 2003, Behl, Love’s Subtle Magic, Ramya Srinivasan, ‘Warrior - Tales at Hinterland Courts in North India, c. 1370-1550’, ed. Francesca Orsini  and Samira Sheikh After Timur Left: Culture and Circulation in Fifteenth Century North India , Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2014.

9.      Mian Muhammad Saeed, The Sharqi Sultanate of Jaunpur: A Political and Cultural History, University of Karachi, Karachi, 1972, p.4.

10.   Yahya Bin Ahmad Sirhindi, Tarikh –i Mubarak Shahi, tr. Henry Beveridge, Low Price Publications, Delhi, 1990, p.159.

11.   Abdul Qadir Badayuni, Muntkhab ut Tawarikh, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1867, p. 180.

12.   Ibid, p. 180.

13.   Firishta, Tarikh i Firishta, ed. Nasiri Muhammad Raza, vol.I, Anjuman i Assar  i Mafakhir Farhangi, Tehran, 1978, pp. 509-510.

14.   This Shaikh Taqiuddin was the grandson of Daud, the author of the Chandayan.

15.   Abdul Qadir Badayuni, Muntkhab ut Tawarikh, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1867, p.250.

16.   Nabi Hadi, Dictionary of Indo-Persian Literature, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1995, p. 220.

17.   Hamid Kalanauri, Ismatnama ya Dastan Lorik wa Maina, ed. Sayyid Amir Hasan Abidi, Markaz Tahqiqat Zaban wa Adabiyat Farsi, New Delhi, 1985, p. 39.

18.   Ibid, p. 12.

19.   Linda York Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings: From the Chester Beatty Library, Vol.1st, Scorpion Cavendish Ltd., London, 1995, p.189.

20.   Ibid, p.189.

21.   Jeremiah P. Losty, ‘Imperial Library of Great Mughals,’ p.51; Leach, Mughal and Other Indian Paintings: From the Chester Beatty Library, I, p.194.

22.   G.M. Wickens, ‘Anwari Sohayli’, Encyclopedia Iranica (www., accessed, 24 December, 2017), p.1.

23.   Ibid

24.   Corinne Lefevre, ‘Recovering A Missing Voice from Mughal India: The Imperial Discourse of Jahangir (1605-1627) in His Memoirs’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of Orient, Vol. 50, No. 4, 2007, pp.462-63.

25.   Ruknuddin Quddusi, Lataif-i Quddusi, text, Mujtaba’i Press, Delhi, 1894, pp. 99-100.

26.   Ibid.

27.   Abdul Quddus Gangohi, Maktubat i Quddusiya, Ahmadi Press, Delhi, 1870, Letter no.103, p. 173; Daud, Chandayan ed. Mataprasad Gupta, p. 50.

28.   Hamid Kalanauri, Ismatnama ya Dastan Lorik wa Maina, ed. Sayyid Amir Hasan Abidi, Markaz Tahqiqat Zabanwa Adabiyat Farsi, New Delhi, 1985 p. 39.

29.   Ibid, pp.13-15.

30.   Ibid, p. 38.

31.   Ibid, p. 15.

32.   F. Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian -English Dictionary, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1973 p. 852.

33.   Daud, Chandayan, tr. Mataprasad Gupta, Pramanik Prakashan, Agra, 1967, p. 380.

34.   Ibid, p. 384.

35.   Ibid, pp. 384-85.

36.   Hamid Kalanauri, Ismatnama ya Dastan Lorik wa Maina, ed. Sayyid Amir Hasan Abidi, Markaz Tahqiqat Zabanwa Adabiyat Farsi, New Delhi, 1985, p.25.

37.   Ibid, p. 27.

38.   Ibid.

39.   Ibid,

40.   Ibid, p. 16.

41.   Ibid, p. 22.

42.   Ibid, p. 18.

43.   Ibid, p. 19

44.   Ibid, p. 39.




Received on 01.05.2023         Modified on 08.06.2023

Accepted on 29.06.2023      ©AandV Publications All right reserved

Res.  J. Humanities and Social Sciences. 2023;14(3):129-134.

DOI: 10.52711/2321-5828.2023.00026